Chapter 1: Background

1.1 Introduction

Men’s use of violence against women remains devastatingly commonplace across Australia. However, such violence – and the personal and societal consequences it creates – is preventable (1–3). Coordinated action to address the gendered drivers of men’s violence against women can stop this violence from occurring (1) and also help to address other forms of gender-based violence (4–6).

Australian policy and practice frameworks for primary prevention of violence against women highlight the critical importance of challenging harmful gender stereotypes and addressing male peer relationships and cultures of masculinity that emphasise dominance, control and aggression (1, 2, 7). This approach is informed by considerable efforts from practitioners, researchers and policymakers to understand how to engage men as active participants in prevention, and how to work across the population to challenge harmful ideas of what it means to be a man (8–11).

This report is a contribution to collective efforts to prevent men’s violence against women, and other forms of gender-based violence. In this report we draw on data collected by The Men’s Project, an initiative of Jesuit Social Services (see Box 2), for The Man Box 2024: re-examining what it means to be a man in Australia (The Man Box 2024) report (13), to explore how men understand and experience pressure to conform to masculinities in Australia. In doing so, we aim to:

• better understand how to build men’s willingness, capability and confidence to take action to prevent violence against women and other forms of gender-based violence  
• consider future directions for strengthening how primary prevention efforts engage with men.

We look at the ways that men’s perceptions of pressures to conform to stereotypical masculine norms inform their attitudes and behaviours, and how they navigate these pressures across different parts of their lives. We also look at the ways that men’s behaviours and attitudes align both with the gendered drivers of men’s violence against women, and with heteronormative and homophobic attitudes that drive other forms of gender-based violence and discrimination. Our analysis focuses specifically on men’s situational, dynamic and varying relationships with masculine norms (10 p 30–31) so as to advance understandings about how to build men’s willingness, capability and confidence to actively participate in efforts to prevent violence against women and other forms of gender-based violence.

This report is presented in five chapters:

• Chapter 1 highlights the importance of engaging men and boys in the prevention of violence against women and other forms of gender-based violence, and introduces relevant frameworks, theories and concepts.  
• Chapter 2 presents the Man Box 2024 study and the methodology for our qualitative analysis, along with limitations of the research.  
• Chapter 3 describes the ways focus group participants have experienced and perceived the social pressures related to what it means to be a man.
• Chapter 4 shows how focus group participants have responded to those social pressures, including through their behaviours and attitudes.  
• Chapter 5 presents key findings of the research and considers future directions for strengthening how primary prevention efforts engage with men.

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1.2 The gendered nature of violence in Australia

Violence in Australia is gendered: population-level data demonstrates that presumptively cisgender men are most likely to use violence, and women are more likely to be victims of family violence and sexual violence perpetrated by men (see Box 3) (15, 16). Recognising the gendered nature of violence is important to build understanding of why various forms of violence occur and what can be done to prevent them (1, 17).

Research and practice evidence demonstrates that men are more likely to hold attitudes and beliefs that endorse violence and support gender inequality than women or non-binary and gender diverse people (1, 17). Change the story: A shared framework for the primary prevention of violence against women in Australia (Change the story) illustrates the social conditions that drive men’s violence against women (the ‘gendered drivers’), which derive from a broader context of gender inequality that manifests in individual attitudes and behaviours; in intimate, peer and family relationships; and across communities, organisations, societal norms and legal, governmental, political, institutional and other structures (see Box 4).  

Importantly, addressing gender equality overall is not the sole focus or sufficient for prevention of men’s violence against women and other forms of gender-based violence. Actions to address the gendered drivers of this violence concentrate on changing particular norms and cultures of masculinity that are embedded across society (21). These gendered drivers are intertwined with other forms of structural, systemic and interpersonal discrimination and oppression such as racism, cisnormativity, heteronormativity, ableism, ageism and homophobia. In combination, these can increase the risk of violence against some women. Groups of women who are more likely to experience higher rates or specific forms of men’s violence are: First Nations women; women from migrant and refugee backgrounds; women and gender diverse people from lesbian, gay, bisexual, trans and gender diverse, intersex, queer and asexual (LGBTIQA+) communities; women with disabilities; older women; and young women (1, 4, 5, 10). As such, effective primary prevention focuses not only on the gendered drivers of violence, but also the ways in which other forms of discrimination drive violence. In addition, there are a number of reinforcing factors that make violence against women and gender-based violence more likely to occur or more likely to result in greater harm to victim survivors, where the gendered drivers are also present (see Box 4). Efforts to minimise harms resulting from these reinforcing factors are important in and of themselves. When made in conjunction with actions to address the gendered drivers of violence, they play an important role in holistic attempts to prevent violence against women and other gender-based violence. 

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1.3 Socially dominant forms of masculinity and the Man Box rules in Australia

The social conditions that drive men’s use of violence also create unrealistic and harmful expectations of and for men. These expectations set out rigid and narrow ideas of the ‘right ways’ of being a man, which we discuss here as ‘dominant forms of masculinity’. Dominant forms of masculinity represent the norms, stereotypes, attitudes and behaviours that men are commonly expected to support, conform to or participate in (1, 10, 22). In Australia, dominant forms of masculinity are characterised by social norms that emphasise dominance and control; aggression; hypersexuality; homophobia and transphobia; stoicism and suppression of emotion; toughness; independence and self-reliance; competitiveness; and risk-taking (13, 14). Men, their families and communities might see these as representing ‘the right way’ of being a man, because they see the ways that these characteristics are valued in different settings and structures encountered throughout their life.

Whether men then behave in this ‘right way’ means they will be either ‘rewarded’ or ‘punished’ in their relationships with partners, families, friends, communities and social networks, workplaces, educational settings, the media and broader societal systems and structures (1, 10, 23). These rewards and punishments include various ways in which men can be accepted or rejected within these different settings.

The Man Box 2024 study captured data on some of these dominant social norms in a set of 19 Man Box ‘rules’ (13). The Man Box rules capture some socially dominant ideas about how men are expected to behave, look and feel in Australia (see Box 5). These rules do not represent the only ways that men are expected to behave, but together demonstrate some of the socially dominant ideas about the ‘right’ way to be a man in Australia.

There are clear links between dominant forms of masculinity and various adverse outcomes for men who endorse and behave according to these rules. The Man Box 2024 found that the more men personally agree with the Man Box rules, the more likely they are to hold attitudes and behave in ways that cause harm to themselves and others (13). For example, men who most strongly agreed with the Man Box rules were most likely to report having perpetrated physical and sexual violence against an intimate partner, to frequently use violent pornography, and to hold attitudes supportive of violence against women and gender inequality (13). As such, dominant forms of masculinity increase the likelihood of several poor outcomes for men, including the risk of men causing harm to others around them.

Yet not all men experience the same pressures to enact the same forms of dominant masculinities. How men experience masculinities may differ relative to other parts of their identities such as their race, class, ethnicity or sexual orientation. This is tied to the intersectional nature of men’s identities, which we discuss in more detail in the following section. In addition to how men experience dominant masculinities variably, some aspects of stereotypical masculine characteristics are not inherently harmful when considered in isolation. For example, there are times where being willing to take risks or being independent can be helpful for people of any gender. However, the expectation that men should take risks that put others or themselves in danger to prove their masculinity or should assert independence by not asking for help when they need it is unrealistic, harmful and sets up the conditions for men to perceive that they have failed if they do not manage to conform to these expectations.

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1.4 Men versus masculinities

Existing policy frameworks, practice evidence and research findings demonstrate the importance of distinguishing between masculinities as a category of gendered social norms, structures and systems, and men as individuals (1, 2, 7, 10, 13). Masculinities are not confined to the attitudes and behaviours of individual men – people of all genders can reinforce them, and they extend to broader societal structures and systems that uphold expectations of how men should behave (10). Men are not always able to live up to masculine social expectations, may not want to conform to them, or may have inconsistent experiences with these expectations (10, 22, 24, 25).  

While anyone can enforce (or challenge) masculinities, it is predominantly men who ultimately enact masculine norms and who experience the most pressure to conform to those norms. Men are therefore crucial to prevention efforts, not just because they are the most likely group to use violence but because they have a pivotal role to play as active participants in challenging the gendered drivers of violence (1). This highlights the importance of ensuring that men are active participants in efforts to shift norms and transform the social conditions that inform harmful or unhealthy masculinities.  

The category of ‘men’ describes a broad and diverse range of individuals spanning different racial, ethnic, class, sexual orientation, religious and other identities. These different identities intersect with each other and mean that men can experience both power and oppression at different times or simultaneously (10, 24, 26). In Australia, colonisation has contributed to the continued disempowerment of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander men (1, 10, 27). Men from culturally and racially minoritised communities and men with disabilities also have different access to power and experience multiple forms of oppression (28). Primary prevention approaches therefore need to consider men’s different experiences of power and oppression and what they mean for pressures to conform to dominant forms of masculinity.  

Masculine norms, like all social norms, are not fixed (10). Over time and across different geographic locations, the expectations for how men should behave are different. As the Man Box 2024 study demonstrates, over time, men’s personal endorsement of the Man Box rules and their perceived social pressure to conform to those rules are shifting in ways that are supportive of the broader goals of prevention (13). These shifts demonstrate that it is possible to influence masculine norms, particularly those that promote and drive gender inequality and various forms of violence. 

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1.5 Engaging men in primary prevention

While there are differing approaches to effectively engaging men in the prevention of violence against women (9, 10, 21, 29), there is broad consensus in the prevention sector that this engagement should be ‘gender-transformative’ (9, 21). That means prevention work with men should promote critical examination of gender norms to transform beliefs, attitudes and behaviours to be more gender equitable, and to transform how particular norms and cultures of masculinity are embedded at all levels of society – in policy, institutions, organisations and communities (21). Using a gender-transformative approach helps to centre the importance of engaging with men in efforts to address the gendered drivers in ways which do not reinforce the gendered power dynamics that drive men’s violence in the first place (10, 30).

Effectively engaging men in prevention requires a broader approach than once-off interventions or campaigns that are not supported and reinforced by settings-based programs, because these have limited capacity to provide opportunities for sustained gender-transformative work. The analysis we present in this report is informed by three complementary categories of engaging men in gender-transformative approaches to primary prevention, as identified by Casey and co-authors (21). These categories are:

1. outreach to and recruitment of previously unengaged men (footnote 1)
2. changing men’s attitudes and behaviours (footnote 2)
3. social action to end violence as part of broader gender justice work. (footnote 3)  

This framework emphasises that engaging men is not the end goal in prevention, but rather a way to bring men along on the whole-of-population journey to transforming gender norms and challenging gender inequality at all levels of society. This is important in light of concerns that a focus on men in prevention may take much-needed resources away from existing prevention work with women and gender diverse people, or from early intervention and response programs supporting victim survivors (8).

The three categories that Casey and co-authors set out (21) help to conceptualise a spectrum of strategies that might be used to engage men with different levels of understanding of their role in primary prevention. In this report, we also consider how these might translate to different outcomes for men as they more actively position themselves in primary prevention efforts over time.

1. Outreach to unengaged men helps to grow their willingness to do more to take action against the gendered drivers.
2. Changing men’s attitudes and behaviours helps to build their capability in knowing when to take action, including when to give space to cis and trans women and other trans and gender diverse people.
3. Over time, this will build greater confidence to fully engage in social action to end gender-based violence.  

We use these three ways of understanding degrees of engagement – willingness, capability and confidence – throughout the report to consider how prevention efforts might connect more with men.

Research and practice evidence illustrates it is necessary to carefully consider the ways that unequal gendered power dynamics can play out as a result of men’s participation in prevention work. For example, positioning of men as role models may enforce the idea of men as society’s natural leaders and protectors, particularly where male role models are not encouraged to reflect on their own alignment with harmful gender norms (31). This points to the importance of reflective practice that encourages examination of and challenges to gender hierarchies and the ways that they are reinforced (31).  

It is also crucial to be aware of the ways some men may resist prevention messaging. Resistance to gender equality and prevention efforts is common, and it can be conceptualised along a continuum from passive to active resistance: denial, disavowal, inaction, appeasement, appropriation, co-option, repression and backlash (6, 32–34). While men are more likely than people of other genders to have attitudes that support some forms of violence and deny the existence of gender inequality, resistance can be enacted by people of all genders and upheld by wider social narratives (17, 35). This emphasises the importance of engaging men in prevention as part of whole-of-population approaches (13). 

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1.6 Building on the existing policy and evidence base

The findings in this report build on an existing base of practice and research evidence related to men, masculinities and primary prevention in Australia (8, 9, 30, 36, 37). This work includes the second edition of Change the story, Australia’s national primary prevention framework, which places a strong focus on men’s perpetration of violence against women and the role of masculinities in driving violence. The Men in focus – Evidence review (10) provides a comprehensive exploration of the links between masculinities and violence against women and ways to engage men and boys in prevention efforts. Alongside the evidence review, the Men in focus – Practice guide offers strategies to help put these findings to work when designing and implementing primary prevention initiatives (38). Publications from the 2018 Man Box study (11, 14), published by The Men’s Project, have also laid a strong foundation and advanced understanding of contemporary masculinities in Australia.

Reshaping masculinities as part of a broader movement to end violence against women and family violence is a key policy priority for Victoria and Australia, reflected in the National Plan to End Violence against Women and Children 2022–2032 (2) and Strong Foundations: Building on Victoria’s work to end family violence (3), a precursor to the third Rolling Action Plan (currently under development) under Ending Family Violence: Victoria’s 10-year plan for change (39). Other key reforms in Victoria and nationally relating to gender equality, parental leave, affirmative consent and respectful relationships education contribute to prevention by creating avenues to shift gender roles and norms – including for men (40–43). These frameworks and reforms demonstrate critical shifts towards healthier masculinities and in working with men to challenge the underlying social conditions that drive violence (12).

Footnotes